Prong 1: Chalking as Constitutionally Protected, Anonymous Speech
To maintain the chalking ban, the University may suggest that chalking is not protected speech, and therefore the administration is not violating §31-51q by proscribing its use.

To counter, it is first important to note that the First Amendment does not simply protect utterances but also expressive conduct that is “sufficiently imbued with elements of communication.” Spence v. Washington (1974). Thus, the First Amendment “affords protection to symbolic or expressive conduct as well as to actual speech.” Virginia v. Black (2003).

In Mahoney v. Doe (2011), the District of Columbia Court of Appeals found that the “creation of words or images through chalk is an expressive act” without much deliberation (both parties agreed that chalk amounted to speech). A similar result was found by a district court in Occupy Minneapolis v. County of Hennepin (2011), where limitations on chalking needed to “serve[ ] a substantial government interest,” a requirement that would not be triggered if chalking did not amount to speech.

To be sure, it seems difficult to argue that chalking is not speech. Pamphlets, handbills, and protest signs are all protected by the First Amendment. There is even evidence to suggest that skywriting is constitutionally protectable. Lorrilard Tobacco Co. v. Reilly (2001). Although the media differ, all options afford individuals the ability to communicate through artistic displays and the written word.

Is it possible, however, that chalking loses constitutional sanctuary because it is anonymous in nature? The answer appears to be no: in Talley v. California (1960), for example, the Court struck down a law that required contact information to be placed on handbills as a violation of the First Amendment. Anonymous (and even spontaneous) religious speech has also been constitutionally protected as a specific speech category. Watchtower Society v. Village of Stratton (2002).

In McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Commission (1995), the Court explained its understanding of anonymous speech, asserting that “the interest in having anonymous works enter the marketplace of ideas unquestionably outweighs any public interest in requiring disclosure…Accordingly, an author’s decision to remain anonymous, like other decisions concerning omissions or additions to the content of a publication, is an aspect of the freedom of speech protected by the First Amendment.” Although the Court was explicitly referencing literary publications here, its statement that “the freedom to publish anonymously extends beyond the literary realm” suggests that anonymity in the myriad other forms of communication should similarly receive constitutional protection.

However, if, under §31-51q, speech is a right that attaches to employment, then it attaches to an element of identity—“employee”—that is hidden by the anonymity of chalking. How can the University determine whether the chalker is a University employee or not? If the speaker is per se unidentifiable, could it be that §31-51q does not at all apply?

To respond, it is important to first note that the University, like the government, is in no way obligated to bolster constitutionally protected speech. In City Council of L.A. v. Taxpayers for Vincent  (1984), the Court notes that “the mere fact that government property can be used as a vehicle for communication does not mean that the Constitution requires such uses to be permitted.” Just because I wish to shout my beliefs from the rooftops does not mean that the government is required to provide me a megaphone or a broadcast or a sidewalk in which to play town crier. Cf. Miami Herald v. Tornillo (1974).

Let us suppose that a student employed by the University chalked “Remember to register to vote!” and a student not employed by the University chalked “End the Drug War!”, both statements of national concern. The University is under no obligation to leave the former to weather the elements simply because the speaker is employed by the University. Both can be erased at the University’s discretion. However, if both of these dastardly malefactors were caught on site and disciplined, §31-51q would be triggered for the former even though the speech was intended to be anonymous. The distinction here is that it is the discipline that is invalid, not the erasure of the speech.

Yet a rule without punishment for its violation lacks any teeth to be enforced. To reduce the chalking moratorium to a mere suggestion for student employees but have it remain a persecution for those not employed by the University is to create an arbitrary dividing line for who can speak, and many of the University’s substantive goals in creating the ban would fall to the wayside once even one person is given rein to chalk.

Thus, there is little doubt that chalking is constitutionally protected speech and therefore may receive §31-51q protection even despite its anonymity. Next we must turn to the actual content of the chalking to ascertain whether institutional discipline for speech is consistent with state law.

Shannon Welch/Photo Editor

Prongs 2 and 3: A Chalking Ban as Overbroad
Under the current policy, students caught chalking would be brought before the Student Judicial Board (SJB) for violation of §15 of Wesleyan’s Code of Non-Academic Conduct (CNAC), “Department Regulations.” According to a Wesleying guest post, those found responsible under §15 for chalking will be fined something in the ballpark of $50 for restitution.

However, if it is true that chalking is protected speech, then §31-51q can safeguard chalkers from the discipline of a fine if their scrawling also withstands prongs 2 and 3 discussed above. However, under §15 of CNAC, the policy is a blanket ban—regardless of the content, regardless of the speaker, regardless of the time, place, and manner of the chalking, the content will always be subject to pecuniary discipline by the very fact that it is chalking. Yet, according to Cotto, “it is the combination…of where the speech occurred at the workplace and its particular content that determines if the speech is protected by [§31-51q]…Identifying the difference [between protected and unprotected speech] requires a case-by-case analysis.”

Looking at Cotto’s discussion of Girgenti v. Cali-Con, Inc. (1988) and Pickering v. Board of Education (1968), it appears that a strong argument can be made for a facial challenge on overbreadth grounds. In the context of free speech, overbreadth occurs when protected speech is banned in the process of attempting to proscribe unprotected speech. To invalidate a law on its face, “the overbreadth of the statute must not only be real but substantial as well, judged in relation to the statute’s plainly legitimate sweep.” Broadrick v. Oklahoma (1973).

The Court has routinely held that protected speech cannot be sacrificed at the altar so that unprotected speech does not pervade society. Reno v. ACLU (1997). And yet this is what the University attempts to do with its moratorium; chalking that withstands all three above prongs—based on case analysis—should not simply be suppressed for fear that the next instance of chalking could fail to do so. As a result, the moratorium is overbroad, and overbreadth would not withstand judicial scrutiny.

A final note here regards standing. According to the Supreme Court in Taxpayers for Vincent, “there must be a realistic danger that the statute itself will significantly compromise recognized First Amendment protections of parties not before the Court for it to be facially challenged on overbreadth grounds.” Thus, any student who is fined for chalking may have standing to question the validity of the fine on the grounds that it could be—and perhaps was (if anyone were to come forward)—applied to speech protectable under §31-51q. Even the hypothetical unemployed student who chalked “End the Drug War!” has some standing to question the policy because the suppression of protected speech is of concern to everyone in a democratic society.

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  • Jacon Mayer ’10

    Nice article Eric.

    Unfortunately, what you don’t address is the contract Wesleyan forces students to sign: the Code of Non-Academic Conduct. The code is riddled with broad language that essentially grants the University the power to do whatever it wants, and students are then contractually bound to let them. There are any number of clauses in the CNAC that would be illegal as policies, but as a contract are perfectly legal. Since you clearly enjoy legal research, I’d love to see an article that expounds on those flaws in the CNAC. In my mind this is but one example of how the University abuses its position of power to infringe on students’ rights as citizens of the United States, residents of CT, and (this is more rare, I’ll grant) as human beings.

    • Eric Stephen

      Hi Jacon,

      Thank you for your comment !

      I think you raise a good point, and admittedly I don’t know much about contract law. I think I would need to look more into the language and logic of CNAC when students pledge to it before I say anything concrete. However, here are some thoughts:

      First I would want to question whether this could really be considered an “employment contract”. I do not dispute that employment contracts can limit the First Amendment rights of employees, but I am wondering if CNAC has anything built in that’s actually about employment (vs. student life). Many students come to Wes and get campus jobs, many students don’t. And many people who work for the University are not students under CNAC. To say that a pledge everyone takes when coming to Wesleyan, even those who never intend to or never do get a campus job, is an employment contract seems illogical. It seems like the contract would be presented when you actually apply for a campus job (maybe when you fill out your W-4 ??). To me, it seems like what your referring to would be much closer to the community contract my grandparents signed when the moved into a retirement community than an actual employment contract, and so it may be difficult for the University to argue it should be read so expansively.

      But assuming my sophomoric understanding of contracts is wrong and what your referring to actually can be seen as an employment contract — from what I understand, state employment statutes can still provide relief. State employment statutes wouldn’t have any teeth if any employer can just say “in order to get this job you have to sign this contract that accepts that we are above the law, including laws that explicitly protect you as an employee from me”. I believe that any employment contract must be made with current employment statutes in mind, including sec. 31-51q above.

      But I think what you’re getting at is the broader question of what happens when someone wears the hat of student (no speech rights) and also the hat of employee (some speech rights) when the two are in tension. I would argue that the University should not think it can disregard student employee rights just because it also plays landlord and educator on top of employer, which I touch on a little bit in the Argus article.

      These are just my first thoughts, and this is definitely something I will look into, so thank you for bringing it up. Maybe others reading this will know more than me here too? I hope my first thoughts may be useful though in the meantime.

      • wesalum ’78

        It seems that what most fail to appreciate is that this is not a speech issue, but a property rights issue. Each of the surfaces that were routinely used for chalking are private property. The trustees of the University who hold this property in public trust and the employees whom they designate to execute the public trust have broad latitude as to how they choose to use property in furthering the mission. At no time in the past ten years, have I seen the administration or Trustees attempt to restrict the speech of the students. Any restriction have always been with respect to the use of University property. Surely, Wesleyan students remain creative enough to share their message in a way that reaches the intended audience and is constitutionally protected.
        Finally, the University has never outlawed chalking. They have just communicated the consequences for defacing University property. Free choice remains as to whether the message is worth the consequences.

      • wesalum ’78

        It seems that what most fail to appreciate is that this is not a speech issue, but a property rights issue. Each of the surfaces that were routinely used for chalking are private property. The trustees of the University who hold this property in public trust and the employees whom they designate to execute the public trust have broad latitude as to how they choose to use property in furthering the mission. At no time in the past ten years, have I seen the administration or Trustees attempt to restrict the speech of the students. Any restriction have always been with respect to the use of University property. Surely, Wesleyan students remain creative enough to share their message in a way that reaches the intended audience and is constitutionally protected.
        Finally, the University has never outlawed chalking. They have just communicated the consequences for defacing University property. Free choice remains as to whether the message is worth the consequences.

  • Melody Moezzi

    Thanks for this. I’m an alum (2001), and the reason I chose Wesleyan (my “safety”) after getting accepted to other, more well-known universities was because the day I stepped on campus for a visit, I saw a chalking that read, “Keep your laws off my cunt.” At that moment, I knew Wes was for me, and I was right. It had nothing to do with the shock factor or even the political position of the chalking. It was because of the mere fact that this was a place where you could speak your mind freely, where people knew how to use language as a weapon and weren’t afraid to do it. I’m sad to hear that y’all don’t have the same freedoms we did, but I’m happy to see that we still have sharp minds willing to fight for what’s right. Bravo Eric!

    • My “safety?” What a way to both brag and knock your fellow classmates at the same time. By no means is Wesleyan considered a safety school, and to say so insults the achievement of those who got in who considered Wesleyan a reach.

  • Lee Jacobson ’05

    I was a student at the time this occurred. I was told by the student body president at the time that the Aramark cafeteria workers were threatening to sue the school for sexual harassment in the workplace based on sexual and extremely graphic chalkings throughout campus. One chalking that sticks was written outside Foss 10 (next to admissions) on revisit weekend, “I’m going to fuck your son in the ass then make him suck my dick and taste his ass on my dick.” I can assure you, that while most chalkings were tamer, that one was by no means uniquely sexual. President Bennett gracefully decided to take the flack for the chalking moratorium by himself, and not expose the campus workers to the abuse that they would undoubtedly have received from the student body. The student body was unresponsive to several pleas to reduce the graphic sexual content in the chalk messages and the moratorium was a result. Certainly an entire group of employees feeling sexually harassed is of “public concern?”

    • Eric Stephen

      Hi Lee,

      Thank you for your comment.

      In the article on page 4 I take up the possibility of “sexual harrastment hostile environment” at length, concluding that ” so long as the University polices chalking in the same way that it polices its bulletin boards, hallways, and banners, there is nothing to suggest that chalking would itself violate Title VII and thus create workplace harassment.” What may also be helpful is paragraphs 4 – 10 on page 3. I would argue that dozens of lower court cases would suggest that the quote you gave above would be considered obscenity under Miller, and hence not protected. The University has a legal responsibility to respond to such unprotected statements or drawings that foster SHHE, but the doctrine of overbreadth suggests that it cannot proscribe protectable speech in the process of doing this (Page 2). This is what is at issue. I am not suggesting some sort of free speech absolutism where students can write threats, libel, hate speech, etc. without any problem — only that the ban as it exists is questionably overbroad because less restrictive means can be used to further the same ends.

  • This is interesting. It reminds me of a local incident here in LA. I was very involved with Occupy LA, and we had a big brouhaha over chalking. People were cited for chalking on public sidewalks even though it is considered protected speech. Mayor Villaraigosa and the Chief of Police had a press conference in which they said that they had passed a city wide ordinance against it, which even the local reporters had to question the legality of. Occupy media people did some research and a video of the same mayor telling the Livestrong people they could chalk their message throughout the city, and even closed down public streets for the event. The video we made of that contrast was striking. They accepted and even encouraged chalking when it was corporate speech. Then Occupy went to the monthly downtown art walk with chalk and fliers about what happened to Occupiers. And regular art walk goers, many of whom were parents with children, became incensed and starting chalking messages on the sidewalk. Police were called, and arrests were made. Occupy activists left for another event. People came out of bars and restaurants and saw half the LAPD in riot gear blocking an entire street. Someone threw a rock. And a melee ensued. Of course Occupy was blamed for it even though they weren’t even there at the time.

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